Now, of course the onus is on the BJP leadership both in the state and in the Centre. Other factors included panchayat-level electoral success of the CPI-M and of course the media management and successful propaganda mechanism. Anyone with little knowledge of communist culture either in Kerala or West Bengal would easily appreciate these factors. In Tripura, the erstwhile Marxists regime under Manik Sarkar deserves praise for fighting insurgency, The CPI-M led Left Front had come to power in 1993 and ruled the state till March 2018, when the BJP could oust the communists. This is the catch, and a very crucial message for ivory tower experts among bureaucrats, politicians and even intellectuals who often run the risk of encompassing the entire region as one unit.



In 2008, Maoists controlled 223 of 640 Indian districts, an area also known as the ‘red corridor’, which amounted to about 40% of India’s landmass . In 2009, the Indian government launched ‘Operation Green Hunt’, a large military operation which led to the number of districts controlled by the Maoists shrinking to 106 districts across 10 states in 2015 . Today the family are renting a spacious flat in central Quito, with a big beige sofa and swept wood floors. A big TV is mounted on the wall behind him, and one of his children brings in sweet tea and fruits. His wife and six of his children are with him, awaiting a decision from the migration authorities on their asylum case.
Arrested Sangma was a DSP in Meghalaya police and created the insurgency group GNLA in 2009. Meghalaya police arrested Changma in 2011 when he was pushed back to Indian territory by the Bangladesh security forces. Out on bail after a brief stint in jail, the insurgency leader Changma is involved in the FICN racket. Major militant outfits, namely, Garo National Liberation Army and Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council , a Khasi Militant group are active in the State of Meghalaya.

The Achik National Volunteer Council is under Suspension of Operation since July 23, 2004. However, in view of wanton violence by GNLA, the Government decided not to engage the outfit in talks but intensify operations by the Security Forces. Through diplomatic channels, the Government of India has been taking up the issue of presence of IIGs with the neighbouring countries. To supplement the efforts of the State Government, 79 Coys of Central Armed Police Forces and 06 teams of CoBRA have been deployed in Meghalaya to check violence and extremist/insurgency activities. It might not be an exaggeration to state that most youth are easily indoctrinated because they have no hope of a secure future.
These developments suggest a continuation of the Northeast and Maoist insurgencies in India in 2016, albeit at much lower levels compared to the earlier years. One aspect that stood out this year, and that might influence future levels of violence, was the high number of surrenders by Maoists. While it might be too early to say, these surrenders could indicate an at least temporary weakening of the Maoist movement. In their fight against the Indian Government, the Naxals follow the Maoist ideology of communism.

The abject backwardness of tribals living in scheduled areas starkly contrasts with the better socio-economic and political development of tribals living outside the scheduled areas and within mainstream society. No estimates exist regarding the fatalities in militancy-related violence during the pre-1992 period in the northeast. According to the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs, from 1992 to 2015 over 15,600 fatalities have been reported from each of these states, though the actual number is believed to be much more. Even as there were signs that there has been some improvement in the insurgency situation in the North East, with the level of violence declining and some insurgent groups showing signs of battle-fatigue, a sudden resurgence of insurgency in the region is turning out to be a cause of concern. Indeed, even the Indian home minister who had earlier expressed optimism about the security scenario in the North East had to admit during a press briefing on 6 July 2011 that the level of violence in the region has gone up. The former Chief Minister was speaking at the sidelines of the candlelight vigil organized by the party in solidarity with the bereaved family members of the 13 civilians who were killed by Indian Armed forces in Mon district of Nagaland.
As the expenditure incurred in the name of counter-insurgency operations, like other secret services, remains beyond audit surveillance, there is hardly any way of making the ruling elite accountable even if a large share of such funds is siphoned off for personal gratification. In the context of the high level of corruption and nepotism prevalent in all the states of northeast India the motive of attracting additional central assistance may also be another plausible factor behind the perpetuation of certain insurgent movements in the region. Geopolitical forces are very active in this region in attempting to split India on the basis of ethnicity and religion. Till the birth of Bangladesh, batches of Naga and Mizo insurgents made regular visits to Dacca to seek financial and military help. Even today, Bangladesh Army provides all arrangements for insurgent's training in Chittagong Hill Tracts ,6 even after signing of the Ganges water sharing accord. In March the NGO Compassion International, which had been placed on the government’s prior approval list, closed its operations due to the inability to transfer funds to its implementing partners.
As I noted to a young Indian student sitting alongside me on the plane from Guwahati to Delhi, the Meghalaya insurgents are doing nothing to prevent the damage to land and water from the region’s coal and sand mines, which cause rivers to turn blue and red and yellow. Indian breakfasts typically consist of a featureless gruel, some sort of stale bread parts, maybe a partially boiled egg. Other Indian meals are fabulous; gorgeously spiced chicken or beef or vegetarian, pulses and dals, garlic nan bread, and very good beer.

Even as the debate about what makes for adequate representation goes on Nepram's group plods on with creating its proposal for the next NCERT meet, which may take place in 2015. "It's not a difficult task as we don't have to begin from scratch. There are quite a few good books only on the history of the region and along with the historians, we have to figure out what is important enough from each state to be given a national platform, " she says. Like so many other youth from the region Nepram went to college in the capital in the 1990s. She studied history at Delhi University but pursued it with some indignation - mostly because the history of her part of the country didn't manage even a chapter in her five years of study. "It surprised and even angered me. I confronted one of my professors, the renowned Sumit Sarkar, and he apologised on behalf of the entire fraternity for this miss, which was shocking to my mind, " she says. “Women are very powerful in the state and they are in the fore front when any crime happens in any parts of Manipur.
Bonded labor, particularly in brick kilns, continued to be a concern in several states. In March, Uttar Pradesh authorities, with assistance from an NGO, rescued 149 bonded laborers from two brick kilns in the state. The law prohibits all forms of forced or compulsory labor, but this problem, including bonded child labor (see section 7.c.), remained widespread. In May the Kerala government hired 21 transgender citizens in Kochi, but several weeks later many of the transgender workers quit their jobs, reportedly because of difficulty finding rental accommodation in Kochi due to their gender identities. HRW reported that children of manual scavengers faced discrimination, humiliation, and segregation at village schools.

The law hindered transparency and accountability with regard to electronic surveillance. According to a government report quoting NCRB provisional data for 2016, Minister of State for Home Affairs Ahir cited 30 registered cases in violation of the law in 2016 compared with nine in 2015. The government continued efforts to reduce lengthy detentions and alleviate prison overcrowding by using “fast track” courts, which specified trial deadlines, provided directions for case management, and encouraged the use of bail. Some NGOs criticized these courts for failing to uphold due process and requiring detainees unable to afford bail remain in detention.
NGO Lawyers Collective noted the length of trials, lack of victim support, and inadequate protection of witnesses and victims remained major concerns. Doctors continued to carry out the invasive “two-finger test” to speculate on sexual history, despite the Supreme Court’s holding that the test violated a victim’s right to privacy. In 2015 the government introduced new guidelines for health professionals for medical examinations of victims of sexual violence. It included provisions regarding consent of the victim during various stages of examination, which some NGOs claimed was an improvement to recording incidents.

He says migrants should be respected for having the courage to leave everything behind and restart from nothing. Discrimination and lack of jobs are an issue for Abu, so he says his plan now is to save money and go to Europe as soon as possible. After that, he met people who got him a job as a street vendor for contraband and traditional Senegalese clothes sewn in Brazil with African fabrics. Every time the police come and seize the goods he sells, it can take up to five months to recover the money lost.
On August 21, the Supreme Court sought suggestions from NGO Shakti Vahini and khap panchayats on ways to prevent harassment and killings of young couples in the name of family honor. The most common justification for the killings cited by the accused or by their relatives was that the victim married against her family’s wishes. In 2015 the Supreme Court directed all private hospitals to provide medical assistance to victims of acid attacks.